A Call to Reason

by Grant Regalbuto, Université du Québec

(translated 1 and adapted from French by the author)
original title: Un appel à la raison

Université du Québec, September 1996




"Two nations; between whom there is no intercourse and no

sympathy; who are as ignorant of each other's habits, thoughts

and feelings, as if they were dwellers in different zones, or

inhabitants of different planets"

Benjamin Disraeli

Sybil; or, the Two Nations 2




A critique

TITLE: An Urgent, Fraternal and Rational Letter to my Fellow Immigrant Citizens (Lettre fraternelle, raisonnée et urgente à mes concitoyens immigrants)

AUTHOR: Corbo, Claude

DATE: 1996

PUBLISHER: Lanctôt éditeur, Outremont, Québec

Overcoming an ordeal, after a heated struggle, or succeeding in a competition, after extensive preparation, are exhilarating experiences; a feeling of wellness permeates our whole being. What parent has not experienced such emotions when his or her child just scored the winning goal in a hockey game that everyone believed his team would loose? What student is not relieved after finally passing a difficult examination for admission practice in his or her profession. On the other hand, when your team looses by a single point or when your GPA is 89,9% where 90% is required for admission to med school. Defeat or failure, when by such a slim margin, have a very bitter taste.

This type of rationalisation can explain, but not condone, at least in part Mr Jacques Parizeau's spite when he placed full weight of the referendum defeat "on the rich and on the ethnic vote". The margin separating victory form defeat was so very thin: 49,4% for the yes vote (for independence) and 50,6% for the no vote (against independence).

It is the ensuing visceral reaction, at times very emotional, to Mr. Parizeau's remarks that Claude Corbo launched his appeal for reconciliation in his "Urgent, Fraternal and Rational Letter to my Fellow Immigrant Citizens (Lettre fraternelle, raisonnée et urgente à mes concitoyens immigrants)". He appeals to Québec's immigrants not so much to convince them to vote for or against independence in the next referendum, that he holds to be inevitable; but to exhort his "fellow immigrant citizens" to take an active part in the debate. He believes, and we tend to agree with him, that there will be another, and yet another referendum if necessary, until Québeckers enjoy a political status in keeping with their specificity and their aspirations.

Corbo believes that a real danger threatens immigrants and 1st and 2nd generation québeckers who vote either one way or the other but do so automatically without having really addressed the issues at hand. Voting is as much a right as it is an obligation; to express ones preference automatically can lead proponents of each option to an emotion packed backlash dead end. As we all know too well, emotional reactions and behaviours in moments of passion are hard to control. Recent riots in Old Montréal and Vancouver bear witness to the fact that passions, once aroused, are difficult to stop!

Claude Corbo is particularly well suited to launch his appeal. He's a Québecker of Italian extraction (third generation) on his father's side and old stock francophone Québecker on his mother's side. He is, as were his father and brother, firmly and resolutely integrated to Québec's francophone community. He studied and taught at Collège Sainte-Marie (Montréal's Jesuit French language college) and taught and pursued an outstanding academic career at the Université du Québec à Montréal culminating in his election, for two mandates, as rector (CEO) of the institution.

His public soul searching on the place of immigrants in Québec's society started some time ago. Some four years ago Claude Corbo announced publicly that he considered himself part of Québec's francophone community (appartenance à la société québécoise) . In his 1992 essay, Mon appartenance: Essai sur la condition québécoise3, Claude Corbo criticised among other things, the Canadian Federal Government's Policy on Multiculturalism: one cannot recreate Italy in Montréal's "Little Italy ". The Italian language and the Italian culture found in any "Italia&nbsp" are a far cry from that which is found in modern day Italy. Language and culture are dynamic realities that evolve and change in any given setting and time frame. Professor Villata's 4 research demonstrates that the Italian spoken by young Québeckers of Italian extraction is not always the same as that which is spoken in Italy; furthermore, they may really not be understood in Italy.

Claude Corbo's 1992 observations on Canadian Multiculturalism were recently echoed in the thoughts of Anglo-Canadian author, Neil Bissoondath 5. who in November 1994 attacked, as purveyors of illusions, promoters of Canadian Multiculturalism6. Fundamentally he holds that this policy leads to the "ghettoization" of immigrants who do not really integrate the host community.

In his "Fraternal Letter" Claude Corbo adopts a pedagogical approach - former faculty at work! - to convince "his fellow immigrant citizens". He begins by identifying, rather well, the fundamental needs "biens politiques essentiels" that all Québeckers strive to fulfil and that immigrants strive to satisfy with so much more acuity or intensity. These fundamental needs are security, freedom and prosperity. The identification of these essential political needs is the result of lengthy reflection. For Claude Corbo, the pursuit of this dream (satisfying fundamental needs) pushed most immigrants to come to America in the first place. As soon as they perceive "slightest possibility 7 " that this freedom, this security or this prosperity seem to be disturbed, immigrants, like all other citizens, are uneasy; they become worried, anxious. The scantiest sign of xenophobic nationalistic behaviour triggers off anxiety and an understandable reaction to fall back to the Canadian political status quo..

Claude Corbo next asks, in the introduction to the second part of his letter, the fundamental question, the premise upon which lies his central theme: does the preservation of these essential political values require that we maintain the Canadian political status quo ? Voilà la question. Everyone, who reflects on what's at stake if Québec becomes sovereign, asks that question consciously or unconsciously!

The author's answer to this question is the central theme of his letter: a sovereign Québec can guarantee essential political values just as much and just as well, as can present Canadian Federal system of Government.

The author then addresses the issue of the apparent contradiction between, on the one hand, the irreversible thrust towards internationalisation and the constitution of "large economic-political blocks "(p31) and, on the other hand, Québec nationalism. Corbo holds that these two thrusts are not contradictory: the former does not prevent the latter. He mentions, rightly so, that the tendency towards internationalisation is not new; the "double thrust towards national affirmation and supranational bodies has coexisted throughout Western history" (p 35). Furthermore, internationalism also comprises risks as does narrow minded nationalism. The author in addition, reminds us that "differences (between peoples and cultures) can be a divisive factor; but they can also be the source of an extraordinary enrichment of the human experience." (p 45).

In the central chapter of his work, Corbo delivery the fruit of his long reflection on what he calls "Québec's unique historical destiny" (singulier destin historique du Québec ); its comforting to read that the "national question" is not a constitutional obsession (p 50) or a disease afflicting Québec`s society. Québec's nationalists' dream is rather the consequence of its historic destiny. The uniqueness of the evolution of Québec society is twofold: on the one hand, it is the only American (North, Central and South) colony "in a defined territory with a majority of inhabitants" (p 51 fn) that has not, as yet, achieved its independence. Furthermore, it is the only "European stock colony that has not, as yet, attained the status of a completely independent autonomous nation (p 53-54). This chapter evokes the menace that lies in wait for contemporary Québec if it does not emancipate itself, Louisiana is the striking example of what can happen: all this is left of its "Frenchness" is its quaintness, "un peu de folklore" (p 60).

In the short history course that he offers, the author uses a bipolar grid the present the results of his analysis of the historical evolution of relations between Canada an Québec. The first "pole" is characterised as being "authoritarian" where Canada, and before it Great Britain, sought to dominate the French Canadian minority 8 ; there were during these periods attempts to absorb the francophone group into the Anglophone community. The other "pole" is more "conciliatory": Canada, and before it Great Britain, is more respectful of "la différence québécoise" (p 63). During these more conciliatory periods one sought "flexible adjustments" (p 63). Recent Canadian Prime Ministers are found in both poles: Mr. Brian Mulroney in the conciliatory group of First Ministers and Mr Pierre Elliott Trudeau and Mr Jean Chrétien in the more authoritarian group; the latter group holding that "Québec is just another province" (p 70). It is rather ironic that the latter group is comprised of very old stock Québeckers whereas the former is comprised of old stock Québeckers!

The author then enumerates the v various means proposed over the last half century to satisfy, without success, Québec's aspirations (p 72). Slogans have changed from time to time but the bottom line has always remained unchanged: Maurice Duplessis' call for provincial autonomy (autonomie provinciale ) in the 50s, Lucien Bouchard and Mario Dumont's partnership and sovereignty ( souveraineté-partenariat ) in 1995", and Daniel Johnson's 9 equality or independence ( égalité ou indépendance ) in the mid 60s (p. 70-71).

In the near future, the author contends, and we agree with him, that Québec will either have been absorbed into the North American Anglophone community or it will enjoy a specific autonomous political status.

He warns Canada and neo-Québeckers that if Canada does not succeed in establishing with Québec an acceptable modus vivendi respectful of its traditional claims, there is a real danger that Canada will not succeed in resisting the appeal of the USA. Canada risks loosing its identity because fundamentally Québec is an essential characteristic of the Canadian "psyche" The author doubt that essential political values will be as much respected should Canada not establish an acceptable working relationship with Québec. This eventuality, the author believes, will certainly not please immigrants who chose to come to Canada and to Québec and not to the USA.

Furthermore, immigrants must realise, Corbo urges, that there is no guarantee that Canada will preserve essential political values; a right wing American-like neo liberal current is sweeping North America, except perhaps Québec ...

In the last part of his study, Corbo attacks the multicultural myth and underlines the validity and legitimacy of Québec language laws. For him, as for Neil Bissoondath, Multiculturalism leads to the "ghettoization" of minorities whereas, language laws are the means taken by a majority to safeguard one of the essential political values that it holds as "profoundly essential" (p 108) to its identity. In this regard, he mentions that the French language has minority status on the international scene and a very small minority status in America; this statistical reality does not however justify its extinction, its disappearance. He also mentions Québec's economic achievements (Hydro - Québec, Desjardins Credit Union Movement, Caisse de dépôt et de placement, etc. ); they should convince immigrants that Québec can guarantee their prosperity.

Conclusion

Corbo's approach rests on his belief that logical and rational arguments can convince immigrants to integrate francophone Québec. However, the integration of immigrants to a host community, in this case, does not only rely on rational factors.

How do you convince a new comer that he should integrate the culture and the language of the majority in a host community when that majority is also a minority and especially when that "majority" is not, at least to a significant extent, part of the "ruling" class. It is particularly difficult when nothing indicates that the majority will one day become part of the propertied group. When one is part of a minority, as most immigrants perceive themselves, one does not normally aspire to integrate another minority; the natural tendency would be to melt into the majority, to loose ones identity, in order, from a sociological point of view, to be "accepted". It is our belief that this rationale profoundly marked immigrants' "psyche" and characterised their motivation to integrate Québec's Anglophone community and Canada's majority community; and that this rationale was transmitted, consciously or unconsciously, to their descendants. Integration to the majority of the host community is the single best way "to make it" especially when the majority is perceived as holding the reins of power and when the minority is presented as being rather quaint. One does not integrate a minority that has not made it!

Corbo does not discuss this important facet of the issue. One cannot forget that during the first waves of large scale immigration Québec did not project the image 10 of an essentially francophone community. The Belle Province's two largest cities were to a large extent English speaking. In addition, French Canadians (for many years, francophone Québeckers were referred to as French-Canadians) did not control their economic or political destiny. This period ended with the Quiet Revolution (1960s and 70s). New comers, already weighed down by their own differences, sought desperately at times to "loose" their difference in order to "make it" financially and to benefit from the essential political values that the authors speaks of.

This type of unconscious behaviour can not be countered by logical or rational arguments; such behaviour can only be changed if the environment sends a clear message, countering the stereotype, to the effect that Québec is a francophone society, that "to make it" financially in Québec one must speak French and that one can effectively fulfil oneself in French in Québec. The integration of immigrant children to French language schools is an essential part of the strategy developed to integrate immigrants to Québec's francophone community.

It is important to note that Corbo guards against trying to influence his readers in the independence or sovereignty debate. Every time he speaks of the future he uses the following phrase "inside or outside Canada (Dans ou hors le Canada ). This is all to his credit. It is his fervent desire or wish that his "fellow immigrant citizens" take an active part in the debate.

The general structure of his letter, the clarity and precision in his arguments, that are all adequately referenced, and the intellectual rigour of his approach are such that Claude Corbo's small text (137 pages) is brilliantly well done. However, as Gérard Leblanc has already mentioned 11

Both Claude Corbo's works on the subject were amply reviewed and commented upon in Québec's francophone press13 . However, in English Canada there was little question of Mr Corbo or of his essays. A close analysis of the contents14 of Montréal's Gazette, Toronto's Globe and Mail, Victoria BC's Times Colonist, Manitoba's Winnipeg Free Press and the Financial Times indicate that from 1992, the year his first essay was published, to 1996, when his most recent Letter was published, no reference whatsoever was made to his essays that are so very significant in the debate over Canada's future. Canada is still a country of two solitudes. Is it not rather significant to note , however, that when Corbo spoke of racism in Montréal's regional police force, the Gazette took up the story (January 1993).

Unfortunately, this "love letter (lettre d'amour )" will bear fruit only if it is read and understood by Québec's non francophone communities, especially those in Montréal, and by English language Canadians.



Bibliography

Bissoondath, Neil; Selling Illusions. The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada; Penguin Books, Toronto (Ontario) Canada; 1994.

Corbo, Claude; Lettre fraternelle, raisonnée et urgente à mes concitoyens immigrants; Lanctôt Éditeur; Outremont, Québec; 1996

Corbo, Claude; Mon appartenance. Essais sur la condition québécoise; VLB éditeur; Montréal, Québec; 1992.

Villata, Bruno; L'Italiano a contatto con il francese e con l'inglese (L'italien en contact avec le français et l'anglais); Montfort et Villeroy Éditeurs; Montréal, Québec; 1990


Revue15 de presse16

"Le multiculturalisme n'est qu'un leurre"; Vennat, Pierre (in La Presse , Sunday April 191992)

"Les francophones ont la responsabilité d'intégrer les immigrants"; (in La Presse, Friday May 22 1992)

"Le Québec doit éviter les ghettos"; Pineault, Claude (in Le Devoir [Cahier spécial Les communautés culturelles], Friday March 26 1993)

"Le regard de l'inconnu"; Cauchon, Paul (in Le Devoir , Tuesday March 30 1993)

"Marché du racisme"; (in Le Devoir , Monday April 5 1993)

"Claude Corbo, lauréat du Prix Richard-Arès"; (in L'Action nationale; vol. 83, no 5; May 1993; Montréal, Québec)

"Mon Appartenance"; Harvey, Julien (in Relations; Centre justice et foi; Montréal, Québec; July-August 1993)

"Claude Corbo"; Anne Richer (in La Presse , Monday November 15 1993)

"Des universitaires critiquent sévèrement la politique canadienne de multiculturalisme"; (PC) (in La Presse, Monday June 13 1994)

"Le multiculturalisme banaliserait l'identité québécoise"; (PC) (in Le Devoir, Monday June&nbsp13&nbsp1994)

"Sollicitude suspecte de l'État fédéral"; (in Le Soleil, Monday June 13 1994)

"À l'assaut des marchands d'illusions"; Giroux, Raymond (in Le Soleil [Editorial], Monday November 21 1994)

"Ouverture" [RECTIFICATIF][RECTIFICATIF]; (in Le Devoir, Saturday February 24 1996)

"Mise au point concernant un texte de M. Claude Corbo"; (in Le Devoir, Monday February 26 1996)

"Sabotage au Devoir?" (in La Presse, Tuesday February 27 1996)

"Sabotage au Devoir"; (PC) (in Le Soleil, Tuesday February 1996)

"Mise au point concernant un texte de M. Claude Corbo"; (in Le Devoir, Saturday March 2 1996)

"Lettre d'amour à l'identité québécoise"; Leblanc, Gérald (in La Presse, Sunday March 3 1996)

"Lettre aux immigrants"; (in L'Actualité; vol. 21, no 4; March 15 1996

"Québécois de souche et d'adoption"; Leduc, Louise (in Le Devoir, Saturday March 16 1996)

"Les polémistes"; Leduc, Louise (in Le Devoir, Saturday March 16 1996)

"Les oiseaux effarouchés"; Horguelin, Christophe (in Le quartier libre; Journal des étudiants de l'Université de Montréal; March 19 1996)



Notes

1

All direct quotes translated into English are free translations by G. Regalbuto; neither the author (Corbo) nor his publisher (VLB éditeur) have been consulted in the translation. return to text


2

Cited in A David Lodge Trilogy: Changing Places Small World Nice Work; Lodge, David; Penguin Books; London, England, United Kingdom; 1993, p. 583.

The two nations referred to by Disraeli are, on the one hand, workers and factory owners on the other in XIXth Century England. This imagery applies very well to Canada's two solitudes. return to text


3

Corbo, Claude; Mon appartenance. Essais sur la condition québécoise; VLB éditeur; Montréal, Québec; 1992. return to text


4

Villata, Bruno; L'Italiano a contatto con il francese e con l'inglese (L'italien en contact avec le français et l'anglais); Montfort et Villeroy Éditeurs, Montréal, Québec; 1990; p. 4 - 5. return to text


5

Bissoondath, Neil; Selling Illusions. The Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada; Penguin Books, Toronto (Ontario) Canada; 1994. return to text


6

see, Giroux, Raymond; À l'assaut des marchands d'illusions»; in Le Soleil, Québec, Québec; November 21, 1994. return to text


7

Corbo, Claude; Lettre fraternelle, raisonnée et urgente à mes concitoyens immigrants; Lanctôt éditeur, Outremont, Québec; 1996; p. 22. return to text


8

Initially, the minority was the majority. return to text


9

Not to be confused with Daniel Johnson, the leader of the Québec Liberal Party; the present day leader of the QLP is the son of Daniel Johnson, former Prime Minister of Québec during the 60s. return to text


10

The reader is invited to consult Ellen Scheinberg's study on marketing strategies used by the Canadian Federal Government to encourage immigration. See Scheinberg, Ellen et Rombout, Melissa K.; Images de la nation: le Programme d'immigration et l'utilisation des diapositives/ Projecting images of the nation: The immigration program and its use of lantern slides»; in L'archiviste/ The Archivist; Magazine of the National Archives of Canada; No 111, 1996 ; Government of Canada, Ottawa (Ontario) Canada; p. 13 - 24 in French and p. 13 - 24 in English. return to text


11

Jean-Éthier Blais expressed a similar wish concerning the essay Mon appartenance. Essais sur la condition québécoise, published by Claude Corbo in 1992; cited in L'Action nationale; vol. 83, no 5; May 1993, when Mr Corbo was awarded the Richard Arès Prize. return to text


12

Lettre d'amour à l'identité québécoise»; in La Presse; Montréal, Québec; March 3 1996. return to text


13

Source: Actualités/Québec; CDROM; January 19 1992 to March 16 1996. return to text


14

Source: Canadian Business and Current Affairs, on CDROM; 1988 to March 1996 (inclusively). return to text


15

Source: Actualités/Québec; CDROM; January 19 1992 to March 16 1996. return to text


16

Source: Canadian Business and Current Affairs, CDROM; 1988 to March 1996 (inclusively). return to text